We explore the typological question of what interpretation grammatical perfectivity is, and how it connects to related aktionsartal notion boundedness/telicity on one hand, tense category Past other. report a comparative experimental paradigm past accomplishment sentences in Russian, Spanish English respectively, which we use an online visual world -- comparing looks ongoing representation (OE) with result state (CE) track triggering entailments culmination during auditory processing. In all...

Abstract Individual variation in heritage language (HL) outcomes does not seem to be random. Instead, this can related the specific exposure and use patterns speakers (HSs) have with their languages contexts they reside. In study, we present data from 38 child HSs of Persian English dominant (in New Zealand UK), mothers as well a control group age-matched monolinguals Iran. All participants completed film-retelling task which lexical sophistication (LS) clausal density (CD) were measured....

Subjunctive clauses in Spanish are traditionally claimed to obey Concordantia Temporum (CT), an agreement tense between the matrix and subjunctive clauses. Treating this phenomenon literally as is problematic, so analysis which CT falls out from general principles of interpretation, Laca (2010a), very attractive. Nevertheless, seems make some prima facie incorrect predictions. Here we test these predictions by means a large-scale, formal sentence acceptability experiment three countries. We...

The study employed a combination of picture selection task and Visual World eye-tracking to investigate the processing grammatical aspect (perfective vs. imperfective) in three languages: Russian, Spanish English. In order probe into cognitive representations triggered by aspectual forms we contrasted visual different temporal portions telic events—a snapshot process stage (ongoing event) immediate aftermath event/the result state (completed event). all languages, gaze patterns offline...

In Spanish causative constructions with dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ the subject of embedded infinitive verb can appear in accusative or dative case. This case alternation has been accounted for by resorting to notion direct vs. indirect causation. Under this account, clitic a transitive denotes causation while an intransitive expresses The problem account is that we lack independent definition (in)direct context so approach suffers from circularity: used determine type implies use one other...

Although the most frequent psychological predicates in Spanish require third-person clitic experiencer to appear dative case, there is a well-known subclass of for which case alternates between accusative and dative. This alternation has been previously accounted by certain grammatical properties clause containing as well elements transitivity. However, since studies on subject have only looked at subset comprising transitivity, it remains be demonstrated whether can reliably reduced...

Abstract This paper contributes to the study of transitivity as a general property clause. Unlike most previous work on subject, however, in present article is used lexical alternation, namely two causative predicates dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ Spanish. To do this, I use index (TI), weighted continuous measure based Hopper Thompson’s (1980, grammar discourse, Language 56, 251–299) parameters. The advantage TI that it assigns different weights each parameters therefore sensitive particular...

Abstract This paper examines the use of three non-periphrastic subjunctives in Spanish embedded clauses under obligatory subjunctive predicates past tense varieties: Argentinean, Mexican and Peninsular Spanish. By means random forest logistic regression analyses, I demonstrate that a grammar where two “past” make up one group, such variation can be modeled on binary opposition between (morphologically) vs. present , achieves better prediction accuracy goodness-of-fit parameters than with...

In Spanish clitic-doubling constructions, the clitic should agree in number with its coreferential doubled noun phrase. However, present corpus analysis data from 21 varieties reveals that, under certain structural configurations, agreement is not always realized on third-person dative clitic. fact, shows that non-agreement appears to be norm when indirect object a lexical phrase (77 vs. 23%). this paper, I investigate two possible explanations for phenomenon: (i) processing account via an...